Few cities in the world can claim to have been built and rebuilt as many times as Delhi. Travel across the capital today and you will pass the ruins of fortified citadels, abandoned palace complexes, and crumbling walls that once enclosed entire royal cities. Historians often speak of the “seven cities of Delhi,” but the real number is debated, and the more interesting question is not how many existed but why so many were built at all. Why did one ruler after another, often within the same dynasty, abandon a perfectly functional capital to raise a new one a few kilometres away? The answer lies in a mix of geography, water, security, and the deep political insecurities of the men who ruled the Delhi Sultanate.

Table of Contents

The historical context of multiple capitals

The phrase “seven cities of Delhi” is a convenient shorthand rather than a precise count. The seven usually listed, running from north to south, are Shāhjahānābād, Fīrūzābād, Dīnpanah, Sīrī, Jahānpanah, Dihlī-i kuhna and Tughluqābād. Some scholars count eight if New Delhi is included, while others stretch the list to fourteen once smaller settlements like Mubārakpur are added. The exact figure matters less than the pattern: over roughly 900 years, successive rulers built capital after capital on or near the ruins of earlier ones, each growing around the palace fortress of a particular dynasty.

This was not random. Delhi sat at a strategic crossroads in the riverine plain, with the fertile Gangetic basin to its east, the Aravalli ridge running through it, and trade routes radiating in every direction. Certain features repeatedly drew the attention of rulers and merchants. As later scholarship summarises, these included elevated ground for commanding positions, rocky outcrops for stone quarries, and the river for water supply, navigation, and defence from the east. A site that offered all three was rare, and the Delhi plain offered them in abundance.

Why building so much was possible

The sheer volume of construction also tells us something about the resources at the Sultans’ disposal. The constant raising of new cities, mosques, tanks, and fortifications was read by historians as evidence of the wealth flowing into Delhi and of the rulers’ ability to mobilise labour on a massive scale. They could hire skilled craftsmen, command slaves and forced labour, and import new building technologies. In other words, building a fresh capital was not just a whim; it was a statement that a ruler had the means to do something earlier rulers could not.

Strategic shifts and security concerns

Two practical pressures kept pushing capitals around the plain: water and defence. The story of Tughluqābād shows both at work. Ghiyās al-Dīn Tughluq built this fortified city between 1321 and 1325, intending it as an impregnable stronghold against Mongol raids and as the administrative heart of his new dynasty. Yet the city was abandoned almost as soon as it was finished. The most commonly cited practical reason is a scarcity of water that forced a return towards the older site near the Qutb Minar.

Folklore added a more dramatic explanation. According to a famous legend, the Sufi saint Nizamuddin Auliya, angered when the Sultan diverted labour and oil away from his stepwell, cursed the city to remain desolate, declaring “Ya rahe ujjar ya base gujjar” – that it would lie empty or be occupied only by herdsmen. Whether one believes the curse or the more prosaic problem of water, the outcome was the same: a grand, expensive city emptied within a generation.

Firuz Tughluq’s move to the river

The most instructive shift came under Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq. Earlier Tughluq capitals like Tughluqābād had been set on the upper rocky grounds of the ridge, which gave defensive height but created chronic problems of water supply. Firuz reversed this logic. In 1354 he abandoned the interior sites and founded Fīrūzābād further north, near the ancient site of Indraprastha, in what is today the Firoz Shah Kotla area on the bank of the Yamuna. Historians describe this as a deliberate move from the rocky high ground to an economically more suitable position along the river.

The economic logic was sound. A riverside capital had reliable water, easier navigation, and access to trade. Firuz reinforced this with an ambitious programme of public works. According to contemporary chronicles, he was a careful administrator who built canals and tanks to encourage agriculture, along with roads and caravanserais to support trade, including one of the longest canals built in India up to that time, running from the Yamuna towards Hissar. His reign is often remembered as the period when the Tughlaq state reached its peak of prosperity, and the choice of a river site was part of that economic strategy.

Notably, the riverside logic did not become absolute. Soon after Firuzabad, the Sayyid ruler Mubārak Shāh built his own capital at Mubārakpur not on the Yamuna but inland, to the north of Sīrī. The pull of the river was strong, but it never fully overrode the older attraction of the interior plain.

The socio-political dynamics of urban development

Water and defence explain individual moves, but they do not fully explain why so many capitals appeared in such a short span. To understand that, we have to look at the political culture of the Sultanate itself. The historian Sunil Kumar has argued that the reproduction of new capitals and courts was not merely a cultural fashion but a necessity dictated by the way society and politics were structured at the time.

Rulers from humble and insecure origins

The early Sultans came from unusual backgrounds. Many were originally military slaves who had risen through the ranks of the armies of Muizz al-Din Ghuri before becoming generals, governors, and finally rulers. Their transformation into kings was, as Sunil Kumar describes, a slow and discontinuous process with many competing centres of power. The court was full of military commanders with their own ambitions and urban elites with their own loyalties, few of whom were eager to accept a single all-powerful monarch.

This created chronic insecurity at the top. A new Sultan often could not trust the existing court, which was filled with the old ruler’s appointees and rival power-holders. Sunil Kumar terms the resulting struggles “inter-dispensational” conflicts – clashes between an established group of power-holders and the supporters of a new Sultan trying to displace them. These conflicts had a clear spatial dimension. The first time the capital shifted away from old Delhi, for instance, came immediately after the death of Iltutmish and the succession of his son Rukn al-Dīn in 1236.

A new city as a fresh start

Building a new capital was a way to escape this trap. A fresh city, laid out by the new ruler and populated by his own loyalists, allowed a Sultan to physically separate himself from a hostile inherited court and to surround himself with people who owed their position to him alone. This is why even rulers within the same dynasty built their own capitals. Ghiyās al-Dīn Tughluq initially kept his court at Sīrī to emphasise continuity with the preceding Khalji regime and win over the political elite, before shifting to his new Tughluqābād once it was ready. Each new city was, in part, a tool for managing political risk.

Population growth added a further push. As Delhi’s population swelled, existing settlements strained their water resources, and rulers found practical as well as political reasons to lay out fresh ground. The drive to display power through monumental architecture – a new mosque, a victory tower, a fortress, a tomb – reinforced all of this. Every dynasty, and often every ambitious king within a dynasty, wished to have a new headquarters for the sake of prestige.

Impact on Delhi’s urban landscape

The cumulative effect of these centuries of building and rebuilding is the layered Delhi we know today. Rather than a single continuous city, the capital became a cluster of overlapping urban cores, each marking a distinct political moment. The seven or eight historic cities collectively narrate over nine centuries of history, charting Delhi’s transformation from a regional stronghold into the imperial capital of successive dynasties.

This layering is visible in the contrasting fates of the old cities. Tughluqābād survives as a vast archaeological site under the Archaeological Survey of India, its dry reservoir beds and abandoned water-harvesting systems standing as reminders of its struggle with water scarcity, while Jahānpanah has largely vanished into the modern urban sprawl. The result is a city where you can move from a fourteenth-century citadel to a seventeenth-century walled town in the space of a short drive.

For urban studies, this history offers a vivid case of how political structure shapes physical form. The multiplicity of capitals was not an accident of geography alone, nor simply the vanity of kings. It was the spatial signature of a turbulent political order in which water, security, economic advantage, and the constant need to build trust between a ruler and his court all pulled in the same direction: towards building yet another city. Delhi’s character as a “city of cities” is, in this sense, written directly into the way the Sultanate was governed.

What do you think? If political insecurity and the need for a fresh, loyal court drove rulers to build entirely new capitals, do you see echoes of that same logic in how modern governments plan new administrative cities or capital regions today? And when a ruined city like Tughluqābād is remembered mainly through a saint’s curse rather than its water crisis, what does that tell us about how cities choose which version of their history to preserve?

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References
  1. https://egyankosh.ac.in/bitstream/123456789/44423/1/Unit-21.pdf
  2. https://www.clearias.com/cities-of-delhi/
  3. https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/delhi-through-the-ages/pakhee-1957-question-discuss-the-reasons-behind-shift-in-capitals-in-the-plain-of-delhi/30698964
  4. https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Delhi
  5. https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/delhi/cursed-by-saint-tughlaqabad-fort-gets-few-visitors
  6. https://www.livehistoryindia.com/story/places/feroze-shah-kotla-delhis-forgotten-city
  7. https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18075149-the-emergence-of-the-delhi-sultanate
  8. https://www.gktoday.in/the-seven-cities-of-delhi/
  9. https://enrouteindianhistory.com/the-lost-cities-of-delhi-tughlaqabad-jahanpanah-and-firozabad-in-perspective/

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Urbanisation in India

1 What is Urban History

  1. What is an Urban Centre?
  2. What is Surplus?
  3. What is Urban History?
  4. Urbanism as an Interdisciplinary Project
  5. Urbanism and Comparative Method
  6. Historiography of Urbanism
  7. Urbanism and Modernity
  8. Urban Histories and the ‘Cultural Turn’

2 Approaches to the Study of Ancient Cities

  1. The Harappan Cities
  2. Between the Harappan and the Early Historic: An Absence of Cities?
  3. The Early Historic Cities
  4. Early Historic Cities in Texts
  5. Understanding Early Historic Urbanisation
  6. Exploring and Excavating Early Historic Urban Centres

3 Approaches to the Study of Medieval Urbanisation

  1. Idea of Medieval Cities in Europe
  2. Perceptions on Medieval Indian Cities
  3. The Idea of Medieval Urbanism
  4. ‘City-States’

4 Themes on Modern Cities

  1. Space and Urban Theory
  2. Materialities
  3. Knowledges: Science, Planning and Expertise
  4. Connections and Flows
  5. Textures: Politics and Everyday Life in Modern Cities
  6. Urban History in India: Key Themes

5 An Introduction to Early Urbanism

  1. Characteristics of Early Urbanism
  2. Urban Origins
  3. ‘Urban’ and ‘Rural’ as Categories
  4. The End of the Harappan Cities

6 Distribution and Morphology of Harappan Settlements

  1. Distribution of Harappan Settlements
  2. Morphology of Harappan Cities
  3. Walls, Spaces and Platforms
  4. The Issue of Planning
  5. The Use of Space: Non-Domestic
  6. The Use of Space: Domestic

7 Harappan Economy and Occupations

  1. The Subsistence Economy
  2. The Non-Subsistence Economy
  3. Craft Production
  4. Exchange Networks

8 Harappan Urban Societies

  1. Houses as Sites of Difference
  2. Anthropological Perspectives on Consumption
  3. Specialisation and Specialists
  4. Burial Practices
  5. Ideas about Ethnicity

9 Case Study of a Major Urban Centre- Mohenjodaro

  1. Layout
  2. Public Architecture
  3. Mohenjodaro Houses
  4. Craft Working at Mohenjodaro

10 Archaeology of the Early Historic Urban Centres in North India- Emergence and Characteristics

  1. Surveys and Excavations of Early Historic Urban Centres
  2. Emergence of Early Historic Urban Centres
  3. Characteristics of Early Historic Urban Centres
  4. Debates on Early Historic Urban Centres

11 Archaeology of the Emergence of Early Cities and the Characteristics of the Early Historic Urban Centres- South India

  1. The Processes of Emergence of Urbanisation: The Deccan
  2. Characteristics of Early Historical Urban Centres: The Deccan
  3. The Processes of Emergence of Urbanisation: Early Tamilakam
  4. Characteristics of Early Historical Urban Centres: Tamilakam

12 Urban Centres and Other Types of Spaces

  1. Primary Categories of Habitation
  2. Notions of Space After the Emergence of Urban Centres
  3. Spaces Around the City
  4. The Village
  5. Forest

13 Cities in Texts

  1. Representation of Cities in the Arthashastra
  2. Nigama, Nagara, and Mahanagaras
  3. City in Tripitaka and Dharmasutras
  4. City in Kavyas

14 Early Historic Cities in the Taxila Valley- Archaeological Perspectives

  1. The Taxila Valley
  2. Pre-Urban Settlements in the Taxila Valley
  3. Cities in the Taxila Valley
  4. Sacred Spaces Outside Cities
  5. Cities at a Crossroads

15 Urbanisation in Post-Gupta Period – Archaeological Evidence

  1. Post-Gupta Polity
  2. Urbanism from Texts and Inscriptions
  3. Urbanism from Archaeological Evidence – North India
  4. Urbanism from Archaeological Evidence – Eastern India
  5. Urbanism from Archaeological Evidence – Bangladesh
  6. Urbanism from Archaeological Evidence – South India
  7. Urbanism from Archaeological Evidence – Western and Central India
  8. Character of ‘Urbanism’

16 Early Medieval Urbanisation from Epigraphy and Texts

  1. The Proliferation of Land Grants and the Theory of Urban Decay
  2. Urban Decay: A Critique
  3. Social Change and Urban Growth
  4. Representation of Urban Centres in Literary Texts
  5. Representation of Cities in Normative/Prescriptive Texts
  6. Early Medieval Port Cities
  7. Temples and Urbanisation

17 Sultanate and its Cities

  1. Textual Representations of the Sultanate Cities
  2. Debates
  3. Process of Urbanisation
  4. Wave of New Towns
  5. New Trends

18 Regional Cities

  1. Jaunpur
  2. Gaur and Pandua
  3. Kalpi
  4. Mandu
  5. Ahmadabad
  6. Gulbarga and Bidar
  7. Nature of Regional Capital Cities

19 Temple Towns in Peninsular India

  1. Emergence of Temple Towns in Peninsular India
  2. Characteristics of Temple Towns
  3. Case Study: Kanchipuram
  4. Case Study: Tanjavur
  5. Case Study: Srirangam

20 Southern Dimension – The Glory of Vijayanagara

  1. Urban Processes during the Vijayanagara Period
  2. Vijayanagara: Modern Discovery and Sources
  3. Early History of Vijayanagara
  4. The City: Layout, Buildings, and Architecture
  5. Trade and Manufacture
  6. Strategies of Imperial Control, Court Culture, and Nature of the City
  7. Accounts of Foreign Travellers
  8. Decline of the City

21 Sultanate Capital Cities in the Delhi Riverine Plain

  1. Why So Many Cities and Capitals?
  2. The Emergence of Dihlī-i kuhna as Sultanate Capital
  3. The Politics of Constructing Dispensations, Military Redoubts, and Cities
  4. Constructing Cities: Conflicts Amongst and Within Dispensations

22 Spatial Characteristics of Mughal Cities

  1. Cities as Centres of Power and Authority
  2. Patrimonial-Bureaucratic Cities
  3. Camp Cities
  4. Rural-Urban Continuum: The Qasbas
  5. Landscape

23 Urban Patterns in Medieval Deccan

  1. Golconda
  2. Bijapur
  3. Industrial Cities of the Deccan
  4. Manufacturing Town: Bidar

24 Urban Culture and Society

  1. Courtly Culture
  2. Social Morphology
  3. Middle Class
  4. Slaves and Domestic Servants
  5. Familial and Gender Relations

25 Primate Cities – Agra-Fathpur Sikri-Shahjahanabad

  1. Agra
  2. Fathpur/Fatehpur Sikri
  3. Shahjahanabad
  4. Pattern of the Cityscape
  5. Mobility of the Mughal Capital Cities
  6. Symbolism in Mughal Primate Cities

26 Sacred City Spaces – Ajmerbanaras- Pandharpur

  1. Ajmer
  2. Banaras
  3. Pandharpur

27 Case Study – Masulipatnam

  1. Physical Contours of the Port
  2. Water, Health, and City Dwellings
  3. Port and the City: Linkages
  4. Port and the Hinterland: Political Environment
  5. Portuguese and the Port of Masulipatnam
  6. Masulipatnam in the Seventeenth Century
  7. Decline of the Port of Masulipatnam

28 Capitalism, Colonialism and Cities in Early Modern India

  1. Colonialism, Capitalism and Urbanisation
  2. Cities in Early Modern India
  3. European Merchant Companies and the Cities in Kachchh-Gujarat Region
  4. Mandvi
  5. Mundra

29 Port Cities- Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries

  1. Surat
  2. Cochin
  3. Goa
  4. Hugli

30 Cities in the 18th Century-1

  1. Dacca
  2. Patna
  3. Ahmadabad
  4. Bangalore

31 Cities in Eighteenth Century-2

  1. Murshidabad
  2. Hyderabad
  3. Poona
  4. Lahore
  5. Srirangapatna

32 Case Study- Lucknow

  1. The Origins and Growth of Lucknow
  2. Political Prowess of the Nawabs and Begums of Awadh
  3. Lucknow as an Administrative and Economic Center
  4. The Mughal, Nawabi, and European Architectural Legacy
  5. Impact of the Annexation of Awadh (1856) and the Revolt of 1857
  6. The Decline in Nawabi Patronage
  7. Re-emergence of Lucknow in the Twentieth Century

33 Dependent Urbanisation and New Urban Forms in Colonial India

  1. Cantonments
  2. Irrigation and Canal Colonies
  3. Railways and Railway Towns
  4. Hill Stations

34 Race, Class and Ethnicity in the Colonial City

  1. From Port to Presidency Towns
  2. Race, Caste, and Class
  3. Health and Sanitation in the Divided City

35 The City as the Site of Spectacle

  1. Colonial Construction Before 1857
  2. The Revolt of 1857 and Its Implications
  3. Interpreting the Empire
  4. New Imperatives of Empire
  5. The Indian Response

36 The City as the Site of Movements

  1. An Urban History of Anti-Colonial Nationalism?
  2. Elite City Spaces
  3. Mobilising the Non-Elite
  4. Cities as Sites of Religious Identities
  5. Lived Cities

37 Modernity and the City in Colonial India

  1. The City as the Space of the Modern
  2. Technologies of the Modern
  3. Indian Engagements with Modernity
  4. New Associational Practices

38 City Planning in India Under British Rule

  1. The Early Years: Social Relationships and Urban Form in the British-Built Capitals
  2. Urban Governance and Nationalist Responses
  3. The Mixed Results of Improvement Trusts
  4. Twentieth Century Nationalism; Patrick Geddes and the Rethinking of Town Planning

39 Predicaments of Post Colonial Cities

  1. Independence/Partition and Resettlement
  2. Producing the New Urban Citizen
  3. A New Impetus to Urban Planning
  4. Critiques of Planning
  5. Social Movements and the City
  6. New Risks and Contemporary Urbanism

40 Case Study – Bombay

  1. The Origins and Growth of Early Bombay
  2. The City in the Cotton–Opium Era
  3. A City Transformed: Early Industrial Bombay
  4. Bombay as a Working Class City
  5. Community and Ethnicity